On that warm summer’s day in June 2016, as we waited up all night in nervous anticipation of the Brexit referendum results, we were thrilled to hear David Dimbleby awkwardly state we’d triumphed. However, I was surprised to hear supposedly ardent Brexit activists tell me they had left UKIP. The battle may have been won, but the culture war most certainly has not.
Even the leaders of two major Brexit groups expressed to me that Theresa May would deliver. However, it is absolute folly to presume a politician will keep their word, especially an empty platitude such as “Brexit means Brexit” uttered from the lips of a Remain activist, and likely coined by a spin-doctor. The woman is a globalist, a member of the “Wets”; the social democrat bloc within the Tories.
Moreover, UKIP is not merely a Brexit party. It has a full manifesto, covering a range of topics, and not only the question of EU membership. UKIP members are mostly a mixture of Old Labour, neo-liberals, and Burkean conservatives. In an effort to bring all of these groups together behind an ideology beyond Brexit, there were attempts by Patrick O’Flynn and Suzanne Evans for some shift to the centre, rather in the style of the Tory Reformists, to unite “blue” and “red”. This is certainly not an election-winner, with the Conservatives already firmly nestled in that position of social democracy, and they already face a tenacious challenge from the LibDems, and even the Blairite bloc within Labour.
Rather, what brought together the working class and the aristocrat behind the UKIP banner is exactly the unifying factor expressed by Disraeli in his famous Crystal Palace speech of 1872, or in modern-day America, the MAGA campaign of Trump: ardent patriotism – as the party logo now rightly states, UKIP must be the voice of the nation. At the last UKIP leadership hustings, most of the candidates failed to promote the raison d’etre for the party, in the way it was so well expressed in the USA by Trump, or in France by Le Pen.
The postmodernist establishment quelled the rising populist force by bogging it down in debates over internal party structure. I was aghast as John Rees-Evans’s team declared at hustings that “direct democracy” would mean that the Institute of Economic Affairs (IEA), the brain of the Tory party, would present policies that the party members would choose between – seemingly another failed, but ingenious Tufton Street attempt at a UKIP takeover.
Aidan Powlesland presented interstellar travel, but the merits of such aside, I do not believe this is of concern to many voters. Let’s focus on the real reason we voted for Brexit. While talk of sovereignty has weight, certainly, and it is given the most focus, because it is seen as acceptable, the real reason most people backed Brexit was frustration with open borders and multiculturalism.
The main point UKIP must stand on, and not be afraid to do so, despite the cries of from the lefty media and globalist think tanks, is that unskilled migration has driven down wages. This is not racist: it is mathematics; science; fact. This is the ‘supply:demand ratio’ of business theory. If we already have persons unemployed, bringing in more workers will only increase competition and drive down wages (creating quick profits for the likes of Richard Branson).
Moreover, one of the biggest issues affecting the working class that is overlooked, would be the lack of sensible restrictions on imports of goods. Britain is run by slick careerists, a London-centric metropolitan elite; stabbing backs, while sporting black bow-ties at Westminster drinks functions, who care only for one thing: power. The British succeeded in our hard struggle for centuries to gain fair wages, fair hours, and a safe workplace. Hence, the greedy liberal elite closed factories and mines, opting for cheaper imports from China and India, where people are worked like slaves. They sacrifice their British countrymen, their family, their nation for the great sin of a quick profit, pure greed, as was expressed by the words from a speech of Disraeli, in the House of Commons on the 15th of May 1846 (paraphrased):
“It is a question of displacing the labour of England that produces [steel], in order, on an extensive and even universal scale, to permit the entrance into this country of [Chinese steel] produced by foreign labour. Will that displaced [British worker] find new employment?”
In the spirit of Trump, UKIP can harness great support from both the aristocrat and the working class. If it is to stand truly for the nation, it must brace the chorus of execration from Tufton Street, and make a bold call for economic patriotism. While I am often told that Anne-Marie Waters is the voice of nationalism, I have not heard her express this concept. Furthermore, with negative liberty so enshrined into the British way of life, with concepts such as freedom of religion, even most UKIP members did not embrace an “anti-Islam” message, as the leadership election results showed.
I believe the general public would be more drawn to a call for, if I am to expand on a phrase used often by Henry Bolton, “rule of law”, which fits well with the rather neo-liberal, if not Burkean, or paleo-conservative, patriotic, strong voice that Nigel Farage expressed. UKIP will have a unique position none of the main parties offer if it is to focus on enforcing already existing laws against certain horrific acts, such as female genital mutilation (FGM), and there we come to the real problem: special interest groups influencing the CPS.
It is no surprise that David Kurten was backed by Leave.EU, Make Britain Great Again and Paul Joseph Watson of InfoWars, because he challenged a major threat to the nation: cultural Marxism, or in plain English, the political correctness which Brussels promulgates. The system has become overrun by those who Churchill warned of. The Frankfurt School set out on a plan to eradicate British/American culture, because the notion of “an Englishman’s home is his castle” does not allow for the absolute collectivism that communism so requires. Hence, the institution of family has been targeted by militant feminism, the church attacked, and the nation-state demonised as a concept only embraced supposedly by uneducated simpletons and dinosaurs.
We face nonsense, such as the Tory government requiring state departments to stop using male and female pronouns, in case such offend. A filthy, postmodernist, globalist alliance of neo-liberals, “open borders” libertarians, and social democrats dominates the 1922 Committee, and so firmly holds back traditional patriotic conservatives, while pushing Social Justice Warrior anti-science on gender, that a vote for Tories merely delays, rather than stops the advance of cultural Marxism (followed by a descent into abyss of Islamofascism.)
It is therefore false to say UKIP has no purpose remaining in politics. Rather, it can stand out as a truly unique force if it will promote tradition over hedonism; nation over multiculturalism; family over state.